Residential Segregation in Omaha

Melissa Estrada, Isabella Walker, Irene Zaiter, Amna Albalushi, Noura Albalushi



Racial steering is the practice of home buyers moving to places of specific characteristics  based on their race. This segregation is decided on many factors. Racial steering is prominent everywhere. The study of Omaha’s segregated neighborhoods shows many patterns within each location. These factors include the houses characteristics, the economic values of the house and the demographics of the house.

The first factor is the house characteristics. This includes the foundation of how the house is made. The study includes the year the house was built, the number of garages, the stories, the square feet, and lot dimension of the house. The study shows that based on the area, neighborhoods build oldest houses begin with Omaha South, Omaha North, Dundee, Papillion and the newest is Elkhorn.

       The second factor is the economics of the houses and the owner(s). This includes the price of the house, the median home value and the property tax. These values correlate with the median household income. In order from most to least expensive the locations begin with, Elkhorn, Papillion, Dundee, Omaha North, and lastly Omaha South.


The third factor is the demographics of each house in comparison to their neighborhoods. This includes the aesthetic of the house and its surrounding area. This varies from how well the house is put together, to the streets in the neighborhood. This also includes the walk score that can be found in the data set. This is important in understanding the neighborhood and what type of people are in the area because of what is located there.


Theme One: Characteristics

North Omaha

Many of the houses in North Omaha are old and have old structures, small yards, and the size of the rooms are small as well. These houses were built mostly in late 18th century and as in those times the need for the car was not much found by the occupants of the houses so this explains the concept of no garage or having only one garage. In addition, property tax is different from house to house, the highest one is $3, 016 and the lowest one is $512 per year, it may depend on the square feet of each one. The stories ranging between 1.2 and 2 in all of them.


The study of five houses with three beds and two bathrooms shows some characteristics of Dundee houses. The most important feature is most its houses have 1 to 2 garages and stories. They are two old houses were built between 1920 to 1960. Moreover, the largest area of its houses is 2630 square feet while the smallest area is 1,533 square feet.


The characteristics in Elkhorn houses are very new. Two of the houses were built in 2014, two in 2016, and only one in 2001. All of the houses in the data for Elkhorn are one story houses with three or more garages. The houses have median square foot area of 1,723.6.


The average house In Papillion, Nebraska have newer structures, larger yards, and well size rooms. Papillion have houses for sale that are reasonably affordable for upper- middle class families. These houses were built between 2013 and 2016.

South Omaha

The South Omaha area, based on the study of all the segregated sections of Omaha concludes to be the least inexpensive when averaged. This being because the properties in this area were built earlier on. The characteristics of the houses I chose from the South Omaha area are on the older side, their structure was built during the 18th century. Most of the houses in this area have none or up to one garage space. The average square feet gathered from the houses was 1,442 square foot.

Second theme: Economics

North Omaha

Many of the houses in North Omaha are old and have old structures, small yards, and the size of the rooms are small as well. These houses were built mostly in late 18th century and as in those times the need for the car was not much found by the occupants of the houses so this explains the concept of no garage or having only one garage. In addition, property tax is different from house to house, the highest one is $3, 016 and the lowest one is $512 per year, it may depend on the square feet of each one. The stories ranging between 1.2 and 2 in all of them.


The housing value of Dundee is more expensive than North and South Omaha houses, but is cheaper than Elkhorn houses. The overall average price of Dundee houses is $169,400. Furthermore, the average median household income is $163,180 which is the third highest median household after Elkhorn and Papillion neighborhood in the study. It has variety of property tax between $2,000 to $4,000.


The housing value of Elkhorn is the most expensive of the neighborhoods in this study. The median household income is one of the highest of the neighborhoods. It also has the highest and lowest property tax. This is the result of newly built houses, and the houses getting refurbished with newer and better things, such as finishing a basement or redoing the kitchen.


The overall price for houses with three bedrooms and two bedrooms in Papillion $272,635. Additionally, the average median household income in Papillion is $121,419.

South Omaha

The housing value for South Omaha when averaged up came to be the least inexpensive of all the areas that were choosing in Omaha for this study. The median home value of the houses came up to be $79,240. Since the houses are much older and require a lot more work than the other houses, their taxes are on the higher side and when averaged it came to a total of $1,182.8.

Theme Three: Demographics


The outside appeal of Elkhorn houses in the pictures shown in the CBS website show a very similar design. Looking at the houses from the street, they can be divided into three sections with a three garage door driveway on one side of the house and the next a front door, and right by that a large window or two. The pictures show a very clean and manicured green lawn. They show a very clear picture of what the house looks like as if a person were standing in front of it.

North Omaha

The houses in North Omaha have a smaller built and they are old houses. These houses are still expensive compared to the old houses majorly because of the architecture and facilities. The majority of the houses are expensive even with its small sizes. Also, the median home value ranging between 46,900 and 233,100.  

The walk score for the neighborhoods in North Omaha is almost similar in all of them and ranging between 31 and 69. Also, the square feet ranges between 1,200 square feet and 1744 square feet which makes a huge difference in the home values.


        The pictures in CBS HOME website shows that Dundee’s houses are clean from inside and outside. Most of its houses are decorated well. Some of its rooms are big and other smalls but they seem comfortable. The median walk score of its houses is 75.

South Omaha

The appearance of the houses in South Omaha are actually not too appealing. From looking at the images in, the houses are not cleaned up properly. Another thing I noticed that was common in these houses was that the basements were not finished, they had a lot of work that had to be done to them. The houses themselves did not have much space between them, giving the property very little privacy.


Papillion is the type of town where you need your own transportation in order to get by, hence the multiple garages in the houses. Property taxes range goes from $1,345, to $1,483. Property tax is based on the square feet of each house. The stories of the houses range from one floor to and a half. The walk score in Papillion can range from five to twenty six.


In conclusion, the prices of houses in the different neighborhoods in Omaha increase from South Omaha, North Omaha, Dundee, Papillion, and Elkhorn being the most expensive. The walk score of the different neighborhoods show how walkable the different neighborhoods or cities are and as the walk score increase this shows that there are more accessible places while on foot and the opposite is true for the walk score being low.

Analyzing Data

To get more in depth about the residential segregation concept that is prominent all around us, our group analyzed several scholarly articles over this topic, residential segregation by race. From analyzing these articles we were able to grasp a better understanding as to why cities are so divided and segregated from each other. After getting a closer look at these scholarly articles, we came up with themes that incorporated the different categories that we took and compared to the different sections of Omaha each one of us researched. In each neighborhood we researched five houses with three bedrooms, and two bathrooms. The website that was used was, from this website we gathered information over each section and made a chart to show the difference between each neighborhood and home. We analyzed each of the home’s characteristics, the economics, and demographics in section of Omaha.

Works Cited



South Omaha


North Omaha


Brasington, David M., Diane Hite, and Andres Jauregui. "House Price Impacts Of Racial,

Income, Education, And Age Neighborhood Segregation." Journal Of Regional Science 55.3 (2015): 442-467. Academic Search Complete. Web. 22 Sept. 2016.

This article compares between the city as a whole and the specific neighborhoods. This article gives many statistics with large and small cities and how they compare to each other. It concludes that the large cities would be more diverse than the smaller cities. It compares that the United States are becoming more diverse, as it compares statistics between 1990-2000. It shows how there has been a decline in proportional white dominance, this results when the other races become more prominent. We can use this article for the research project because we can compare whether or not Omaha has been becoming more diverse.


Dwyer, Rachel E. “Expanding Homes And Increasing Inequalities: U.S. Housing Development      And The Residential Segregation Of The Affluent.” Social Problems 54.1 (2007): 23-  46. Academic Search Complete. Web. 13 Oct. 2016.

Hypotheses of metropolitan advancement in the United States clarify that higher status populaces have a tendency to involve more up to date lodging while bring down status bunches have a tendency to be limited to more seasoned lodging. The lodging framework in this manner mirrors the more extensive stratification structure and likely changes because of essential movements like the precarious ascent of wage imbalance toward the end of the twentieth century. The nonstop development of new houses in U.S. metropolitan zones is a focal component for sustaining imbalance and isolation amongst high and low status populaces in different speculations of metropolitan improvement. Houses 5 years of age or less made up right around 30 percent of home buys in the 1990s. In the primary portion of the period, every one of the four classes made up comparative shares, fluctuating between 20 to 30 percent. The noteworthy inversion of the direction in house estimate recommends that new house purchasers may have turned out to be progressively prosperous as the main 20 percent of families harvested most of the increases of monetary development. Natural hypotheses clarify the spatial stratification of U.S. metropolitan zones. Political monetary hypotheses contend that wage stratification in lodging markets comes about from market compels as well as built by social organizations and approaches that support a few sorts of improvement and populace bunches over others. Both biological and political financial speculations underscore that stratification forms in lodging markets are never spatially nonpartisan, yet it is exactly the spatial measurement of these procedures that give them their compel. U.S. Lodging Development and Residential Segregation of lodging development destined to add to wealthy isolation is concentrated create. I depend on the U.S. Evaluation of Population and Housing for this study, as it is the longest information arrangement that gives the vital data on family units and lodging units with an extensive broadly illustrative example. I compute a second arrangement of proportions balanced for the dispersion of total mortgage holder dispatch crosswise over earnings. The investigation demonstrates that, of course new house purchasers were generously more prosperous in 2000 than in 1960, with an especially huge increment from 1980 to 2000, when new houses turned out to be progressively expansive. Expanded imbalance in new house possession stays notwithstanding when the pattern is balanced for total homeownership. Not surprisingly, rising imbalance and the expanded benefit of well-off family units in the political economy of homeownership were reflected in movements in the lodging environment toward the end of the twentieth century. The rate of concentrated wealth is the extent of metropolitan princely family units that live in high-abundance tracts, as in the accompanying equation: where ax is the quantity of rich families living in prosperous tract an, and X is the aggregate number of well-off families in a metropolitan zone. Relapse examination gives an evaluation of the commitment of concentrated new lodging to the isolation of the rich in a multivariate model, permitting controls for other essential determinants. The examination has shown that the stratifying impact of new house improvement expanded fundamentally in the 1980s and 1990s, while new houses turned out to be strikingly bigger and pay disparity expanded. A far more prominent rate of new house purchasers were well-to-do in the 1990s than in the 1950s and 1960s when houses were much littler. Disparity in new house proprietorship likewise adds to the propagation of stratification in light of the fact that private area impacts access to favorable circumstances like training, political power, and informal communities. The substitution of produced lodging for site-constructed houses at the base in this manner speaks to a shrouded polarization in lodging status that might be specifically connected to the expanding fortune of new house purchasers if more reasonable site-manufactured homes have been swarmed out of the market by the developed at the top.


Dwyer, Rachel E. “Expanding Homes And Increasing Inequalities: U.S. Housing Development      And The Residential Segregation Of The Affluent.” Social Problems 54.1 (2007): 23-46.         Academic Search Complete. Web. 22 Sept. 2016.

Within the years, in the United States it has occurred that the metropolitan areas have become residentially segregated. The higher status population tend to occupy the newer houses while the lower status population tend to occupy the older houses, within these ranges the higher status population tends to consist of one dominant race while the same with the lower status population. As said in the scholarly article, Expanding Homes and Increasing Inequalities: U.S. Housing Development and the Residential Segregation of the Affluent, “Studies found that affluent segregation is higher in more unequal settings between classes and races, especially between black and white households,” St. John 2002). Throughout the years the metropolitan areas have become residentially segregated by race and will continue to segregate this way. An example being Omaha, Nebraska, which has become quite segregated by race. Omaha is differentiated by South Omaha, North Omaha, and finally West Omaha. For my research project, my group members and I have chosen to use the segregated parts of Omaha, Nebraska to show how segregation has shaped the living environment at the neighborhood level. The scholarly article can be relatable to the sociology project due to the fact that it shows similar information that will be gathered, such as how each of the segregated parts of Omaha are mostly occupied by a dominant race. The articles helps as well by sharing the fact that the United States as a whole has become residentially segregated by races.



Farley, Reynolds, and Diane Colasanto. “Racial Residential Segregation: Is It Caused By    Misinformation About Housing Costs?.” Social Science Quarterly (University Of Texas          Press) 61.3/4 (1980): 623-637. Academic Search Complete. Web. 13 Oct. 2016.

This article illustrates that blacks pay exaggerated amounts in white neighborhoods and they have difficulty living in that residential areas. Different property of neighbors is foredoomed in Omaha. Racial residential segregation is established profusely throughout the United States’ metropolitan regions. Sociologists often recognize that a lot of whites want to live separated from blacks. As a result of that, some whites refuse to sell or rent to blacks, and realtors, to secure and protect their white clients. Some views show that blacks prefer to live with blacks only, but that is not convincing, not logical, and not even true, since various of studies show that blacks will choose to live at racially mixed regions rather than segregation neighborhoods. Economic ability, which is more significant than racial segregation in explaining where people actually live, play an enormous role in residential segregation because blacks frequently have lower income compared to whites. Sociologists also note that poor blacks commonly live in same location compared to whites. Whites usually live in different locations and regions. According to article Racial Residential Segregation, Becker accounts for segregation by arguing that the rapid growth of black population in cities after World War II led to a temporary disequilibrium in the housing market. There are various studies and surveys about residential segregation, for instance, Detroit Area Study (DAS) that make an investigation about racial and housing. For the survey, it covers five areas which are Dearborn, Southfield, Taylor, and Warren within the Detroit. Each of these areas was at least 99% white, but in Northwest Detroit and Southfield are experienced racial segregation change, while Dearborn and Warren are known because the reputation of feud to blacks. Actually, Southfield houses are too expensive, whereas Dearborn and Warren have houses that is about average in cost. Taylor has the least expensive houses because it is more industrial than others. This survey contains evaluated about what extent of the households could manage the cost of every area, from the 1970 Census of Housing, they decided the estimation of apartments and the lease levels of houses that really involved by blacks. For instance, around 5 percent of the black leaseholders in 1970 were in units where the month to month lease was $120 or more. People prefer to live in mixed areas, but there are some factors that dissuade blacks from looking for houses in white neighborhoods. First, the availability of good houses and less prices at the central city because there is a huge number of migration move from Detroit and other large communities, so whites tend to move from central city and the demand have decreased. Second, many blacks thought that they would be unfavorable at withe neighborhoods. Finally, discriminatory housing policies continue to define some neighborhoods as suitable for whites and others as suitable for blacks.


Farrell, G. F. (2016). Still Large, but Narrowing: The Sizable Decline in Racial. Demography,        139-164.

When we consider the racial segregation, America issues depicts the situation clearly of racial steering. To demonstrate the influence of race on social segregation, the thesis analyses the prevalent situations of United States. Main consideration entangling our comprehension without bounds of private isolation relates to metropolitan and provincial variety in the level and type of private isolation. As a rule, private isolation has a tendency to be higher in regions with bigger minority populaces. Also, more established and more unified metro regions will probably be set apart by huge, spatially adjoining “ghettoes” than are more multinucleated and sprawling urban morphologies. These examples temper confidence in regards to the eventual fate of private isolation; a great part of the commended progresses in declining isolation in late decades have happened in spots with generally little minority populaces.


Flippen, C. (2016). The More Things Change the More They Stay the Same: The Future of             Residential Segregation in America.

The segregation based on race and ethnicity in Omaha, certain case studies reflects the diversified approach. It is likewise essential to recognize racial neighborhood disparity from racial private isolation. Private isolation alludes to unevenness in the dissemination of gatherings crosswise over neighborhoods. Albeit racial neighborhood imbalance requires private isolation, that is, racial gatherings can be unevenly disseminated crosswise over rich and poor neighborhoods just if gatherings are unevenly disseminated crosswise over neighborhoods, isolation does not destine disparity. Racial neighborhood imbalance is especially basic in America because poorer neighborhoods ordinarily have altogether poorer social administrations, schools, and social situations, and in addition less green space, higher wrongdoing rates, and more commotion and clog.


Fossett, Mark, and David R. Dietrich. “Effects Of City Size, Shape, And Form, And           Neighborhood Size And Shape In Agent-Based Models Of Residential Segregation: Are          Schelling-Style Preference Effects Robust?.” Environment & Planning B: Planning &          Design 36.1 (2009): 149-169. Academic Search Complete. Web. 13 Oct. 2016.

This article is investigating effects of different parameters in agent-based models of residential segregation. Thomas Schelling presented a model to investigate these effects. Some agents worked on this model of Thomas. The key thing that these modeling efforts have in common is that they take Schelling’s theoretical insights and the basic structure of his simulation model as their initial point of departure. These model implementations can be highly variable. There appears to be little consensus on appropriate choices for fundamental model elements of the modeling framework. In our study we examine the effect of city size, shape, and form; neighborhood size and shape using a computational model that implements the essential features of the Schelling model along with numerous extensions. We use different key components for our study. Using this model we carried out experiments in which we varied city size and form; neighborhood size and form to assess their effects on segregation outcomes. We also varied a key parameter which is known to impact model-generated segregation outcomes in order to determine whether Schelling-style segregation effects were in some way contingent on settings for city size, shape, and form; neighborhood size and form. We assessed model-generated segregation patterns using two measures of segregation. We computed these measures using two different approaches. Measures computed using these two approaches tracked each other very closely. They point out that Schelling models must incorporate an appropriate mechanism that permits preference effects to be expressed, otherwise they can produce pathological equilibrium outcomes and misleading conclusions about the stability of residential patterns. We implemented three variations in city form: a circular form treated as having fixed outer boundaries, a square form treated as having fixed outer boundaries, and a square form treated as an unbounded torus. We used four measures to assess model segregation behavior: the index of dissimilarity computed using data for bounded areas; the index of dissimilarity computed using data for site-centered areas; the contact difference index computed using data for bounded areas; and the contact difference index computed using data for site-centered areas. The key findings of our analyses are that, segregation outcomes vary in substantively important ways over different settings for the city ethnic mix and agent vision. Segregation outcomes do not vary in substantively important ways over different settings for city size, city form, and neighborhood shape. The dramatic change in the shape of the curves as agent vision becomes more expansive is important on at least two levels. This now brings us to the central question of this study: Are these theoretically interesting and complex Schelling-style preference effects robust? Or do they depend in critical ways on model specification choices regarding factors such as city size, city shape, city form, and neighborhood shape? The answer appears to be clear and simple; the effects just reviewed are highly robust across the model specification choices we consider. Our results suggest that, to the extent that the factors of city size, city shape, city form, and neighborhood shape have effects on segregation at all, they are slight and substantively uninteresting. If we examine the tables in our discussions then we found that each result gave some information and it helped a lot to approach the final result. Table 1 presents the regression results for normed dissimilarity scores. Table 2 reports the results of comparable regressions performed using the contact difference index to measure segregation outcomes. We also report results from analyses assessing the impact of specifying agent vision using a distance-decay function in which nearest neighbors are given more weight than distant neighbors. Finally, city size does not appear to be an important factor in agent-based segregation studies. Model generated segregation outcomes produced by substantively interesting segregation dynamics such as ethnic preferences, ethnic demography, and scale of agent vision are statistically identical in smaller and larger cities. We offer one qualification to this conclusion. While the larger city size considered here is more than three times the size of the smaller city, we must acknowledge it is still small compared to the size of large metropolitan areas. Perhaps differences in city size only matter when the range of variation in size is enormous. The present study contributes to this tradition by highlighting some of the more theoretically compelling Schelling style effects and demonstrating that they are robust over a wide range of model design choices. We invite others to explore and to test the boundaries of these insights in new ways.


Friedman, Samantha, Joseph Gibbons, and Chris Galvan. “Declining Segregation Through The      Lens Of Neighborhood Quality: Does Middle-Class And Affluent Status Bring Equal          ity?.” Social Science Research 46.(2014): 155-168. Academic Search Complete. Web. 22    Sept. 2016

In the scholarly article it is amplified that residential segregation has been increasing in numbers when it is analyzed through out the years. As said in the article, Residential segregation through the lens of neighborhood quality: Does middle-class and affluent status bring equality,“The average black–white index of dissimilarity scores in metropolitan America decreased from 73 in 1980 to 59 in 2010. For Hispanics during the same period, average levels of segregation, which are lower than that between blacks and whites, dropped more minimally from 50 in 1980 to 48 in 2010”. It is noted that usually in suburbs it is more populated with whites but recently it has been noted to be represented by minorities. In a study done in 2005–2009 with data from the American Community Survey, finds that blacks and hispanics were noted to live in poorer neighborhoods than their white counterparts. As with my sociology project based on Omaha, Nebraska, is related by showing similar information that was gathered in the data in the article, to  the information on residential segregation in Omaha. The segregation of Omaha, Nebraska is very similar to what was gathered from the data, it is segregated into North Omaha which is mainly composed of blacks, South Omaha mostly populated with hispanics, and finally West Omaha largely occupied by Whites with West Omaha being known as the “Nice” part of town.


Holloway, Steven R., Richard Wright, and Mark Ellis. "The Racially Fragmented City?

Neighborhood Racial Segregation And Diversity Jointly Considered." Professional

Geographer 64.1 (2012): 63-82. Academic Search Complete. Web. 22 Sept. 2016.

This article shows how race is compared also with underlying factors which determines

where they live. These factors include “age, income, and education levels, since different public

goods combinations may be valued very differently by different demographic groups” (House

Price). This article describes four factors that are involved in how people can be segregated.

These include the location of the homes, the “spatial statistics in our house price regression to

protect against biased parameter estimates and invalid hypothesis testing… house prices and

segregation by age, income, and education level and… control for levels while assessing the

impact of segregation on house prices” (House Price). We can use this article for reference as we

look into the prices of homes and their quality in certain areas.


Ladson- Billings, Gloria, and William F. Tate. “Toward a Critical Race Theory of Education.”         N.p., Nov. (1995). Web.

Despite the lump of race in society, The US society as a topic of scholarly analysis, it remains unauthorized. A critical race abstract perspective in education comparable to that of critical race in legal scholarship by developing three hypotheses, 1. Race continues to be compelling in the United States. 2. US society is based on property rights more than human rights. 3. The crossing of race and property creates a cogent tool for understanding inequity.

Salerno, Stacey, and John Reynolds. “Latina/o Students in Majority White Schools: How School Ethnic Enclaves Link Ethnicity with Success.” Weblog post. N.p., 3 Oct. 2016. Web. 12 Oct. 2016. Latina/o high school students face many challenges in school, and much current research on ethnicity and education likewise focuses on the downsides of being an ethnic minority in the U.S. educational system. Social scientists attribute the educational gaps associated with ethnic minority status to factors such as fewer family resources, discrimination, teacher-student mismatch, English learner status, and social isolation at school. This article shifts attention to the ways in which ethnic minority status can bolster educational attainment and highlights the significance of co-ethnic physical spaces or “enclaves” in majority white high schools. Data include 11 interviews with teachers and administrators at a public high school in the Southeast, supplemented with 100 hours of classroom participant observation and over 100 narratives written by students. Student perceptions are tapped through analysis of an open-ended essay writing exercise on what it means to be a Latina/o in the United States, completed by the Latina/o students enrolled in four spanish language–only courses during three terms in 2013–2014. The observation, interview, and essay-based data indicate that Latino/a high school students benefit from school ethnic enclaves where they are free to draw on the support of co-ethnic peers and culturally flexible teachers. These themes emerge in the interviews with teachers and are supported by student comments in a writing exercise. School ethnic enclaves provide both academic and social support, help foster a positive ethnic self-image, and ultimately link ethnic minority status and heritage to success despite the significant—and more often studied—educational challenges faced by Latina/o high school students.


Louf, Rémi, and Marc Barthelemy. "Patterns Of Residential Segregation." Plos ONE    11.6 (2016): 1-20. Academic Search Complete. Web. 22 Sep ROSS, STEPHEN L.,

The article by PLOS One explains the Patterns of Racial Segregation. The article first

defines what it means to be segregated. This allows all of the readers to have the same

knowledge of what the article is describing so that they can fully understand it. The way this

article describes segregation is by what it is not. They define segregation as not being “a spatial distribution of different categories that is undistinguishable from a uniform random situation (with the same percentages of different categories)” meaning that there is not an even dispersal of different races in an area (PLOS 20). This then means that segregation would show any pattern in the distribution. PLOS explains the segregation by having 5 dimensions by Massey. These dimensions include exposure, evenness, and clustering, concentration, and centralization. It defines the importance of having a null model in any experiment, and how they calculate the segregation of a race with a certain equation. The article then describes the connection between the emergence of social classes and the racial segregation. This connection then goes into details about the patterns between the large city and the relation it has to the suburbs. This article can be used in the research project to determine how the dimensions described relates to Omaha’s diversity.


Monnat, A. L. (2013). The Influence of Race, Class, and. SOCIAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY.

Many real estates of Omaha depict the situations and their images are used in this thesis. Isolation in neighborhoods has been diminishing because of a blend of three components: migration which has changed the national creation, better access to white neighborhoods for minorities because of recognition of whites to live with minority neighbors and gentrification of minorities what’s more, a few changes in alternative neighborhoods for example, a lower illegal behavior rate and better school execution that make a specific minority neighborhood appealing for the white dominant part, in any case, a normal overwhelmingly white neighborhood still has better offices than a minority one. White neighborhoods have preferable administrations over minority ones, minorities are moving into white neighborhoods, and in this way, private mix depends on the will of whites to have neighbors of various race or ethnic. Readiness of whites to live with minorities is higher than it utilized to be as it was found in overview in Detroit, one American very isolated city, in 2004.


Rothwell, Jonathan, and Douglas S. Massey. “The Effect Of Density Zoning On Racial Segrega     tion In U.S. Urban Areas.” Urban Affairs Review 44.6 (2009): 779-806. Academic        Search Complete. Web. 22 Sept. 2016.

            Racial segregation is at a high rate in the United States as stated in the scholarly article, The Effect of Density Zoning on Racial Segregation in U.S. Urban Areas, by Jonathan Rothwell,Douglas S. Massey. It is noted that Whites have proceeded to take actions to separate themselves from difference groups. The first ones in this group were the European immigrants, then it was african americans, and the most recent one Hispanics, with all of these being lower class. “Bajari and Kahn (2005) find that Black migrants simply are not willing to pay as much as Whites to live outside the central city or to inhabit privileged neighborhoods,” with that being said the article also mentions white racism in a decentralizing way by saying,”Defined as the willingness of Whites to pay a premium to live in White neighborhoods.” The information from this article then can be related to my group project since it is quite similar, focusing on the residential segregation based on race. These two can be relatable since for my group project we have discussed the segregated parts of Omaha which are again North Omaha, South Omaha, and West Omaha, we can take these segregated parts and compare them to what the article has stated. Once the information has been analyzed between the two it is similar, an example being how in Omaha West Omaha is the area where it is mostly populated with whites, this then makes them segregated from the rest of the town, away from North Omaha and South Omaha, which would then be the minorities, or lower class.


South, Scott J., Jeremy Pais, and Kyle Crowder. "Metropolitan Influences On Migration       Into Poor And Nonpoor Neighborhoods & quote; Social Science Research 40.3 (2011): 950-964. Academic Search Complete. Web. 13 Oct. 2016.

There are two types of research projects that this paper describes. The first research

project is “the mobility of individual households into poor versus nonpoor neighborhoods,” and the second illustrates the “characteristics of the metropolitan areas in which these households reside” (Scott). The comparison of these two is what determines the patters of white and black segregation. This article determines that whites are more likely to live in a black neighborhood more than a black living in a white neighborhood. It also determines that if the city is described as being nonpoor, people will be more likely to move into a nonpoor neighborhood, rather than a

poor neighborhood, because that is what is most available, and vice versa. The dominant availability of nonpoor neighborhoods in a city highlights how segregated a poor neighborhood is in comparison to the nonpoor neighborhood, and vice versa. The migration into different neighborhoods can be also influenced by “age, homeownership, and marital status,” which would result in a change in socioeconomic status (Scott). This article can be used in our research project because we can compare how races are compared between each other in each neighborhood in Omaha.


Solorzano, Daniel, and Tara Yosso. “Critical Race Theory, Racial Micro-aggressions, and Racial    Climate: The Experiences of American College Students.” N.p., Feb. 2001. Web. 13 Oct.       2016.

Micro aggression are subtle insults directed toward people of color, often automatically or unconsciously. Using critical race theory as a frame work the study described in this article provides an examination of racial micro aggressions and how they influence the collegiate racial climate. Using focus group interview data from African American students at three universities it reveals that racial micro aggression exist in both academic and social spaces in the collegiate environment. The study shows how African American students experience and respond to racial micro aggression. It also demonstrates how racial micro aggressions have a negative impact on the campus racial climate.

Stearns, Linda Brewster, and John R. Logan. “The Racial Structuring Of The Housing Market        And Segregation In Suburban Areas.” Social Forces 65.1 (1986): 28. Academic Search      Complete. Web. 22 Sept. 2016.

Various theories believe that racial segregation occurs as a normal part of life which are thoroughly explained in the article, The Racial Structuring of the Housing Market and Segregation in Suburban Areas. Society as a whole segregates themselves, in the article in states that individuals do this because one will always feel more comfortable with others of the same race, however is also states that there is more than just this to justify residential segregation. A major topic of discussion in this article is how real estate will take part in residential segregation, an example that was used was how realtors will discriminate blacks by providing them with information on homes in black areas. Another example given was how institutions are more reluctant to grant black mortgages in an all white neighborhood. This ties with my group project by showing us ways residential segregation can be contributed to in areas such as Omaha, Nebraska, which is where our project will be based on. As I read the article it gave me ideas as to why when it comes to Omaha being segregated there is a dominant group in that area, how part of it might be related to realtors.


Thompson, Maxine S., and Steve McDonald. “Race, Skin Tone, and Educational Achievement.”   n.d.: n. pag. Print.

Research on skin-tone bias has focused primarily on intraracial inequality with little attention to skin-tone inequality across ethnoracial groups. We engage the debate over the color line by considering the independent, simultaneous, and interactive impacts of skin tone and self-identified race on educational performance. Analyses of National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) and Adolescent Health and Academic Achievement (AHAA) data show significant skin-tone differences in grade point average (GPA) both across and within racial groups, with darker skinned tone individuals receiving significantly lower grades than their lighter skinned tone counterparts. Net of controls, skin-tone differences in GPA are essentially flat among African Americans but are notably stronger among other race/ethnic groups. These findings highlight the interplay between racial categorization and colorism by revealing the categorical disadvantage of racial stigma versus the more fluid colorism boundaries of nonblack groups.



Vobornikova, P. (2006). History. Divided We Live: Racial and Ethnic Segregation in Housing in   the U.S.

Different values and property of neighbors are estimated in Omaha, and the way they compare through the racial composition is also discussed. When becoming racial private coordination, it doesn’t induce significant mix on different measurements, particularly as innovation permits more prominent choice into fondness bunches and as social cooperation keeps on declining. A standout amongst the most upsetting examples in such manner is the absence of coinciding between declining isolation in neighborhoods and schools. Indeed, even though isolation has fallen extensively at the national level since 1980. In the public housing projects, Africans were separated. Furthermore, racial segregation was promoted by public society authorities. Since 1970, this residential segregation has decreased gradually. With this development, more young people are mounting in culturally diverse communities.


Voborníková, Pavla. “Divided We Live: Racial And Ethnic Segregation In Housing In The             U.S.” Scientific Journal Of Humanistic Studies 6.10 (2014): 43-51. Academic Search            Complete. Web. 13 Oct. 2016.

This article is concentrated on racial and ethnic residential segregation in the United States. In addition, neighborhoods are still excluding because of the discrimination in the rental, mortgage, and even sales, which is similar to the situation in Omaha. The article also shows why American still live in racial communities while no discriminatory regulations exist and minorities have moved everywhere. Also, it argues that black-white discrimination against African American is more than Hispanics and Asians.  There are various housing discriminations. First, discrimination in private housing market which work together with Federal Housing Administration (FHA). It talks about issues like controlling the rental and sales market. Second, the continuing discrimination in the government-subsidized housing programs. They contain two main housing which are public housing and housing vouchers. The public housing mostly constructed in poor neighborhoods with bad services compared to white neighborhoods. According to Bureau, “The most census found 71.2% of Americans living in 367 metropolitan areas.” Blacks are mostly segregated in metropolitan regions. Additionally, blacks are more segregated than Hispanic-white and Asian-white, so African Americans are not desirable in the white neighborhoods. Moreover, Gail Radford have been dived American housing policy into two levels, the first one called semi-private that get support through the government for those incapable to gain low mortgages. Whereas the second one is public housing for needy. There are some ways that indicate discrimination in the rental and sales markets like, blockbusting and steering, they both are illegal and prohibited activities. Blockbusting means that a white homeowner tries to persuade the customer to sell their property fast and frequently at below market price. It does practice even when it was prohibited, but nowadays it does not play a significant role in racial segregation as before. While steering means that real estate agents treat white clients uniquely in contrast to minorities.  Segregation in neighborhoods decreased depending on some factors. The min factor is immigration, it plays a vital role to let whites accept living with minority neighbors and improves some values, which lead to decrease crime and other kind of problems. In contrast, it supports to improve school performance. Whites have good services comparing to another groups. Acceptance of black neighbors is also a factor. Racial segregation has been decreased since 1970. Minorities still experience segregation in the rental and sales market.